of Primitive Buddhism
lang-problem-Buddh.htm
by Chi Hisen-lin, Journal of the Burma Research Society, XLIII, i, June 1960
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Pali, like Myanmar, but unlike English, does not have uppercase letters. In order to keep this tradition intact, I have changed upper case letters in English-Pali (Pali-Latin) into lower case letters. Please note that not until recently, the differentiation between language (spoken language) and script (written language) was not made, and the Pali-Latin sentences were written by Chi Hisen-lin like regular English sentences.
The same paper is quoted in http://www.chibs.edu.tw/publication/LunCong/004/69_90.htm 080822
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lang-problem-Buddh
Contents of this page (UKT: The table of contents and the
subheadings are my own.)
What
language?
Chinese translations of the Tipitaka
Vinaya-mātrkā-sūtra
Dharmagupta-vinaya
Mahisasaka-vinaya
Sarvāstivāda-vinaya
Mūlasarvāstivāda-nikāya-vinaya-samyuktavastu
Chi's notes
UKT notes
Buddhaghosa
Brahmanism
Chi Hisen-lin
Edicts of King Asoka
Primitive Buddhism
Cullavagga Magadha
language
Links to other files in TIL collection:
Asoka the person
Edicts of Asoka - Asoka-edicts.htm |
Dhammika-Asoka-edicts.htm
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p09
What language was used by primitive Buddhism? This is a problem yet unsolved among the learned circles. Based upon some new materials I wish to propose my personal views concerning this problem. In the Cullavagga, V. 33. 1, there is narrated the following story:
Now there were two Bhikkhus surnamed Yamelutekula, who were brothers born in a Brahman family. They had good voice and were expert in conversation. They came to the presence of the Blessed One, to whom they paid their homage and sat aside. After having taken their seat, the two Bhikkhus said to the Blessed One,
"Bhante, now the Bhikkhus with different family names and personal names, of different social ranks and families, have come to join the Order. With their own vernaculars they have marred the Buddha's words. Please permit us to express the Buddha's words in Sanskrit."
The Buddha reproached them, saying,
"You fools, how dare you say, 'Please permit us to express the Buddha's words in Sanskrit!' Fools, by doing so you could neither induce those who did not have faith in the Buddha to have faith in him, nor could you enhance the faith of those who already had it in the Buddha. You could only help those who did not believe in the Buddha and change the mind of those who already believed in him."
After having reprimanded them, he preached the Dhamma for them, and then said to the Bhikkhus,
"Bhikkhus, you are not allowed to express the Buddha's words in Sanskrit. Those who act contrarily will be considered as having committed the offence of Dukkata
{doak~ka.Ta.}." fn09-01
And finally the Buddha said,
anujānāmi bhikkhave sakāya niruttiyā buddhavacanam pariyāpunitum
"I permit you, O Monks, to learn the word of the Buddha in his own language."
A comparatively important problem of primitive Buddhism, the problem of language, is involved in this story. Buddhism during the period of its initiation may be considered, in many respects, as a sort of resistance or revolution against Brahmanism, the principal religion that occupied the position of predomination at the time. UKT01. It was but natural that it should have opposed with determination the use of Sanskrit, the language of Brahmanism. In spite of the fact that during the 5th and 6th centuries B.C., the development of the Sanskrit language had reached its zenith, and if used, it would bring many advantages for the propagation of the Buddhist doctrines, but for the sake of carrying out his own ideas, the Buddha would not consider the use of that language and scolded the two Bhikkhus as "fools" Probably because they were the descendants of a Brahman family, these two Bhikkhus still had some old conceptions in their brains. That was why they made the proposal to the Buddha for the adoption of Sanskrit and incurred his rebuke.
UKT01: I cannot agree with the author that Brahmanism was the predominant principal religion of the time. Though I have no supporting evidence for my view, I must stress that neither had the author to make such a sweeping statement. Why Buddha was against the use of Sanskrit was probably due to Sanskrit being the language of Brahmanism which was the embodiment of the caste system which was anathema to Buddhism. The rise of Sanskrit and its suppression of Pali was the main cause for the eventual disappearance of Theravada Buddhism in India.
If Sanskrit was not used, then what language did they use? For the propagation of religion, the "policy of language" was a comparatively important problem, which must be settled. The Buddha's last sentence in the above story was for the solution of this problem. [{p.09 end}]
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But the point is that this sentence itself is rather ambiguous, and when literally translated it reads:
"I permit you, O Monks, to learn the word of the Buddha in his own language."
In the translation the meaning is comparatively clear, but the ambiguity lies in the original Pali words sakāya niruttiyā (one's own language), which might be interpreted either as the "Buddha's own language" or as the "monks' own languages". For many years in the past this has been the point of contention among Sanskrit scholars and Buddhist research workers.
T.W. Rhys Davids and H. Olderberg interpreted this term as the "monk's own language", fn10-01 while W. Geiger was of the opinion that it meant the "Buddha's own language". fn10-02 Since they raised this dispute, many Sanskrit scholars and Buddhist research workers have joined in the discussion and a hot debate has been carried on. Generally speaking, they may be divided into three groups. One group of scholars agreed with Rhys Davids and Olderberg, another group accepted the opinion of Geiger, while the third one proposed a new interpretation of their own. Those who denied Geiger's opinion included F. Weller, fn10-03 A.B. Keith fn10-04 and M. Winternitz. fn10-05
UKT: language : If one accepts the view that language is just a medium of communication between two persons, -- for example, the monk teaching Buddhism and the layperson learning the religion -- then there is no ambiguity. Language does not necessarily mean words carried through the air, it can also mean a sign language. How would a monk carry his message to a deaf-mute person? Unless the monk used the sign-language of the deaf-mute person (please note there are many sign languages which are different from each other), then the word of Buddha would be denied to a fairly large part of the world's population -- the deaf-mutes!. See my further comments in language2
E.J. Thomas proposed a new interpretation of the term and rendered the word nirutti as "grammar", thus translating the sentence as " I order you, Monks, to master the word of the Buddha (buddhavacanam) in its own grammar." fn10-06
But this is hardly justifiable, because the word nirutti can by no means be interpreted as "grammar". fn10-07
P.C. Bagchi had another new theory. He said that it was not a question of using one's own dialect for reciting the buddhavacanam, but using one's natural intonation for the recitation. His theory, however, does not have sufficient ground, because nirutti cannot be interpreted as "intonation".
It seems that W. Geiger was in a rather isolated position, but he had a powerful basis for his argument. He quoted the commentary of Buddhaghosa, the authoritative commentator of Pali texts, as the basis of his theory. He said, "Here the words sakā nirutti refers to the dialect of Magadha spoken by the Samyak-sambuddha." fn10-08
Then how is that so? To explain these questions and to settle these disputes, we must make a study of the dialect spoken by the Buddha himself and the process of the compilation of the Buddhist scriptures.
As we all know that Sakyamuni was born in the frontier regions of North India in the territory of present Nepal. But he spend most of his time travelling in the then kingdom of [{p.10 end}]
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Magadha (approximately in the present province of Bihar) for the propagation of his doctrines. Thus the language he spoke might most probably be the dialect of Magadha. Conjectured from different respects, no written record of the Buddhist texts in whatever language existed during his lifetime.
According to Buddhist tradition, not long after the Buddha's Nirvana, his disciple Mahakasyapa assembled five hundred Arahants at Rajagrha to recite the Buddhist scriptures. That assemblage, was known as the "Council of Five Hundred Arahants", because five hundred persons took part in the meeting. One hundred years after the Buddha's Nirvana, the Buddhists again held another council at Vaisali, in which seven hundred persons were present, and so it was known as the "Council of Seven Hundred Persons". According to earlier tradition, the chief purpose of this council was to wipe out the ten points of erroneous views concerning the Vinaya. fn11-01 But according to later tradition it is said that this council lasted eight months, in which the participants recited and collated the Buddha's teachings. fn11-02 This supposition is apparently a bit exaggerated. It is possible, however, that one hundred years after the Buddha's demise, some of the Buddhist scriptures which were taught only orally, had been committed to writing at that time. Thus this tradition might have implied some historical facts.
According to the opinions of scholars in general, it was probably at the third Buddhist council that the possibility of compiling the Tipitaka on a large scale presented itself. fn11-03 That was the time when Asoka [Asoka-Great.htm], a great protector of Buddhism (whose ascension occurred in about 273 B.C.), was on the throne. The eminent monk Tissa Moggaliputta assembled the monks at Pataliputra (present Patna) to compile the Buddhist texts. We have mentioned above that the language spoken by the Buddha for the propagation of his doctrines might have been the dialect of Magadha. If that was the case, when the Buddhists compiled the Buddhist texts, after the demise of the Buddha, out of the fragmentary scriptures orally taught to them, the language they used must also be the dialect of Magadha. But it cannot be pure Magadhi, for it is unimaginable that the purity of the language could be retained after the duration of a long time when Buddhism had been spread to more and more regions. Therefore, the German scholar H. Liiders called this language used in primitive Buddhist texts as ancient semi-Magadhi. As Tissa Moggaliputra belonged to the School of Sthaviravada (or Theravada in Pali), the scriptures compiled under his supervision also belonged to this school. He also dispatched monks to various places to propagate the teachings of Buddhism. The one who was sent to Ceylon was Asoka's younger brother Mahinda (also said to be his son). fn11-04 According to the tradition of the Buddhists of Ceylon, the extent Pali Tipitaka was brought to Ceylon by Mahinda. And Pali means the language of Magadha (māgadhā nirutti or māgadhikā bhāsā), or in other words, Pāli is the language spoken by the Buddha and the Pali Tipitaka is the only orthodox Canon of the Buddhists.
Now let us go back to the point about the explanation of the two words sakā nirutti given by Buddhaghosa, and we may understand that it was his standpoint that made him to interpret them in such a way. As he was an authoritative commentator on Pali texts and stood for them, he would surely try with utmost effort to procure an orthodox position for the Pali texts. And here lies the reason why his interpretation is unreliable and subjective. [{p.11 end}]
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From linguistic characteristics we may also elucidate that the Pali language was not the language of Magadha. There have been various opinions concerning the problem of the region in which the Pali languages was prevalent. Westergaard fn12-01 and E. Kuhn fn12-02 considered that Pali was the local dialect of Ujjayini. From a research of this problem in the field of inscriptions, R. O. Franke came to the conclusion that Pali was the dialect of the regions in the central and western part of the Vindhya Ranges. fn12-03 Sten Konow was also of the opinion that the zone of the Vindhya Ranges was the home of the Pali language, fn12-04 because he discovered many similarities between the Pali and the Paisaci languages, and he fixed the home of Paisaci at Ujjayini. fn12-05 At first, H. Oldenberg advocated that Pali was the dialect of Kalinga, fn12-06 and E. Muller followed his opinion. fn12-07 But afterwards H. Oldenberg gave up his view and established a new theory, saying that Pali was the predecessor of the Magadhi language. fn12-08 Meanwhile E. Windisch fn12-09 and W. Geiger fn12-10 returned to the old theory, considering Pali as the dialect of Magadha. fn12-11
UKT: language2. Since this article by Chi Hisen-lin was published in the Journal of the Burma Research Society, XLIII, i, June 1960, his conclusions as well as the conclusions of the authors of the references cited by him, were all written in periods in or before 1960. One of the papers cited by him went as far back as 1884 fn12-07. There have been more archeological discoveries made since then, and the science of linguistics has changed considerably. At the present, linguists have made a clear distinction between the "spoken language" (now technically "language"), and "written language" (now technically "script"). Since voice recording machines suitable for field work were not available before 1960, all references to "languages" must meant "written languages" and not "spoken languages". Since no one has heard the Pali language spoken (if we assumed it was spoken at all), I am not convinced of the conclusions on "languages" made by Chi Hisen-lin and the authors cited by him. Go back to my previous comments on language .
Although the above-mentioned views vary from one another, there is a
comparatively concordant point, that is, most of the scholars advocated that the
Pali language was a Western dialect, and such was truly the fact. The
declensions of the Pali words are similar to those of the language used in the
Girnar Inscriptions of the Asokan
Pillars, such as the locative case ending in-amhi and -e, the
accusative case in -ne, etc. But on the other hand, the
Magadha
language was an eastern dialect, in which r had become as l,
and s as ś, while the nominative case of words ending in
-a, ended in -e, etc. There is a vast difference between the two
languages and they should by no means be confused with each other.
Based upon the above evidences, I feel we can safely come to the conclusion that sakā nirutti neither means the "Buddha's own language", nor implies "grammar" or "intonation", but it indicates the "monks' own languages". The Buddha permitted the monks to learn his word with their own dialects and vernaculars.
If the above evidences are considered as insufficient, then some more new testimonies can be produced. The story from the Cullavagga as quoted above, has many variant versions in the Chinese translations of the Tipitaka. Some of them are enumerated as follows: [{p.12 end}]
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There were two Brahman Bhikkhus, named Usaha and Samadha, who went to the Buddha and said to him, "The disciples of the Buddha come from different castes of different places in different countries. Their language is not the same and their pronunciation is incorrect, and thus they distorted the right teachings of the Buddha. May the Blessed One allow us to carry out debates and compile the scriptures according to the Chandas way (referring to Sanskrit), so that the sentences may be arranged in order and the pronunciations corrected, in order to unveil the teachings of the Buddha." The Buddha told the Bhikkhus, saying, "In my teachings emphasis is not laid on rhetoric. What I mean is that the doctrines should not be misunderstood. They should be taught in any language which is understood by the people, according to their suitability." Therefore, his teachings were taught according to the circumstances of the land." fn13-01
There was a Bhikkhu named Bravery, who was the descendant of a Brahman family. He came to the presence of the Buddha, and after having worshipped him, he sat aside and said to the Blessed One, "Venerable Sir, the Bhikkhus come from different castes and have different names. They misinterpreted the teachings of the Buddha. May the Blessed One permit us to rearrange the Buddhist scriptures in Sanskrit." The Buddha said, "You are fools! That would be a defacement to mix the Buddhist scriptures with a heretical language." He further said, "Recite the scriptures in the language of the country according to the custom of the people." fn13-02
There were two Brahman brothers who were versed in the Chandas-veda and later became monks in the Buddhist Order. They heard that the Bhikkhus were reciting the scriptures in an improper way, and said to them scornfully, "You venerable sirs have become monks for a long time, and yet you don't know the masculine and feminine genders, the singular and plural numbers, the present, past and futrue tenses, the long and short vowels, and the heavy and light acents. In such a way you are reciting the scriptures!" The Bhikkhus were ashamed to hear this remark, and the brothers went to the Buddha and reported the case to him. The Buddha said, "They are allowed to recite the scriptures in their own native tongue, only that they should not misunderstand the Buddha's meaning. NO one is allowed to mix the Buddha's word with a heretical language. One who acted contratily would be considered as having committed the offence sthulatyaya." fn13-03
In the Sarvastivada-vinaya, Vol. XXXVIII: [{p.13 end}]
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Once the Buddha was in Sravasti. There were two Brahmans, one being names Gopa and the other one, Yapa, who had a devout faith in Buddhism and become Buddhist monks. They had formerly leaned the heretical four Vedas, and after having become monks they recited the Buddhist scriptures with Vedic intonations. Then one of them died, and the one who was alive forgot some passages of the scriptures and could not recite them fluently. He could not find a companion and was unhappy of it. Thus he told it to the Buddha, who said to the monks, "From now onwards anyone who recites the Buddhist scriptures with a heretical intonation will be considered as having committed the offence of Dukkata." fn14-01
Once the Buddha was in Sravasti. At that time the Ven. Sāriputra ordained two Brahmans into the Order. One of them was called Ox-given and the other one, Ox-born. Both of them studied the recitation of Buddhist scriptures. Afterwards they travelled about and came to a village, where they obtained many offerings and took up their lodgings there. Now these two persons had formerly learned the grammatical method of Brahmanic hymns. So when they recited the Buddhist scriptures, they habitually followed their old method. Then one of them suddenly died of illness. The one who was living was grieved by the death of his friend, and forgot most of the scriptures through negligence. Thus he returned to Srāvasti and came to the Jetavana Grove. After having taken rest, he went to see the Ven. Kaundinya, to whom he paid his respect and said, "Venerable Sir, let us review the scriptures together." "Very well, I shall recite them for you," was the reply. After the elder had recited some passages of the scriptures, the monk said to him, "Venerable Sir, your recitation of the scriptures is mistaken. The vowels are not pronounced as long ones, and so there is something missing." The elder said in reply, "I have always recited the scriptures in this way." Thus the monk took his leave and went to see Asvajit, Bhadra, Mahānāma, Vasas, Yaśas, Pārna, Gavāmpati, Vimala, Subāhu and Rāhula, to each of whom he said, "Venerable Sir, let us review the scriptures together." "Very well, I shall recite the scriptures for you," was the reply. After the elder had recited some passages, etc. etc., the monk took his leave and went to see the Ven. Sāriputra, to whom he paid his respect and said, "Upādhyāya, let us review the scriptures together." While they were reciting the scriptures together the monk elongated the vowels, and Sāriputra pronounced them with double length. The monk said, "Venerable teacher, all the other elders are mistaken in their recitation. Only you, Venerable teacher, are correct in pronunciation and grammar." Sāriputra said to him, "You are a fool. You are mistaken yourself, and yet you slander those wise men, saying that they do not know how to recite the scriptures. None of the elders is mistaken in the recitation." Having been rebuked, the monk remained silent. Then the monks reported this to the Buddha, who thought in his mind, "All this trouble is caused by the elongation of vowels in the way of singing hymns when the monks recite the scriptures. Therefore the monks should not elongate the vowels in the way of singing hymns when they recite the scriptures. Any monk who recites the scriptures in the Chandas (Sanskrit) way shall be considered as committing a transgression. But one is not considered so, if the vowels are elongated according to his own dialect." fn14-02 [{p.14 end}]
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p15
The above are quoted five different versions of the story. It is not unusual to find different versions of one passage, one version or one story in the Buddhist scriptures. There are similarities and dissimilarities in the above quoted different versions of the story. The similarities indicate that they were derived from the same origin, and the dissimilarities denote that they have been developed along different lines. In spite of fact that some of them are in detail and some are brief, but the fundamental contents are the same. Comparing with the story contained in the Cullavagga, the fundamental contents are also the same. Therefore, we may also say that these variant Chinese versions are derived from the same source as the Pali version. It is necessary to make this point clear, because it is on this basis that we can ascertain the interpretation of the Pali version of the story in accordance with the Chinese versions.
In these Chinese versions the same thought is expressed concerning the "policy of language", namely, the use of Sanskrit was absolutely disallowed, while the use of dialects and vernaculars was quite permissible. With this point in view, the meaning of the last sentence spoken by the Buddha as mentioned in the story in the Cullavagga is perfectly clear and has left no room for doubt. This sentence which has caused contention for many years without a decision should thus be rendered only as:
"I permit you, O monks, to use (your) own language to study the word of the Buddha."
This conclusion seems to be quite plain and simple, and yet it factually solved the problem of comparative importance in the history of Buddhism -- the problem of language of primitive Buddhism. As we have mentioned above that Buddhism, during its first period of propagation, was a sort of resistance against Brahmanism. Therefore it attracted many followers among the oppressed masses. These people were of different social ranks, speaking different languages and coming from various castes of various places. If Sanskrit was adopted, or the language of Magadha was used as the medium of study, it would certainly cause many difficulties and would have an unfavourable influence upon the spread of Buddhism among the masses. Therefore, primitive Buddhism adopted a liberal policy of language, disallowing on the one hand, the use of Sanskrit which was the language of Brahmanism, and on the other hand, not sanctifying the Magadhi dialect spoken by the Buddha so as to raise it to the position of the only scriptural language. It permitted the monks to use their own dialects and vernaculars for the study and propagation of the Buddhist teachings. This had a great advantage for approaching the masses and going deep into them. According to my personal view, the fact that Buddhism during its first period of propagation had such a great force among the masses, and that it could spread so fast, was inseparable with its policy of language. On the other hand, at later times Buddhist scriptures had many variant versions in quite a number of variegated languages, unlike Brahmanism which could basically preserve the unity and purity of its canons, and this was also due to the liberal policy of language adopted by primitive Buddhism.
From p.09
fn09-01. The Vinaya Pitakam, ed. by Hermann
Olderberg, Vol. II, The Cullavagga, London, 1880, p. 139. fn09-01b
UKT: "There is a class of priestly offences called dukkata,
requiring confession and absolution. -- Dictionary of the Pali Language,
by Robert Caesar Childers, p.128
From p.10
fn10-01. Vinaya Texts, III, Sacred Books of the East, XX, p. 151 fn10-01b
fn10-02. Pali-Literatur und Sprache. Strassburg, 1916, p. 5 fn10-02b
fn10-03. Zeitschrift fur Buddhismus, n. F. I, 1922, p. 211 ff fn10-03b
fn10-04. Indian Historical Quarterly, I, 1925, p. 501 fn10-04b
fn10-05. A History of Indian Literature, II, p. 602 fn10-05b
fn10-06. The Life of Buddha, New York, 1927, p. 253 ff. fn10-06b
fn10-07. Cf., M. Winternitz's A History of Indian Literature, II, p. 602 ff. fn10-07b
fn10-08. Samantapasadika, ed. Saya U Pye, IV, pp 416-20 fn10-08b
From p.11
fn11-01. Cullavagga, XX, Sacred Books of the East, Vol. XX, p. 409 ff. fn11-01b
fn11-02. Dipavamsa, V. 27 ff.: Mahavamsa, IV fn11-02b
fn11-03. E.J. Thomas, The Life of Buddha, p. 170 ff.: Copleston, Buddhism, pp. 154, 171, 175 fn11-03b
fn11-04. Barth, Religions of India, London, 1921, p. 130: Copleston, Buddhism, p. 176 ff. fn11-04b
JBRS, XLIII, i, June 1960
From p.12
fn12-01. Uber den altesten Zeitraum der indischen Geschichte, pp.87 fn12-01b
fn12-02. Beitrage zur Pali-Grammatik, p. 6 ff. fn12-02b
fn12-03. Pali und Sanskrit, p. 131 ff. fn12-03b
fn12-04. The Home of Paiśāci, ZDMG. 64, p. 95 ff. fn12-04b
fn12-05. Grierson, The Paiśāci Languages of North-Western India, Asiatic Society Monographs, Vol. VIII. 1906, in which it is said that Paiśāci was the dialect of North-Western India. fn12-05b
fn12-06. The Vinaya Pitakam, Vol. I, London, 1879, p. L. ff. fn12-06b
fn12-07. Simplified Grammar of the Pali Language, London, 1884, p. 111 fn12-07b
fn12-08. Die Lehre des Upanishaden und die Anfδnge des, Buddhismus, Gottingen, 1915, p. 283 fn12-08b
fn12-09. Uber den sprachlichen Charakter des Pāli, Actes du XIVe Congres International des Orientaliste, prem. partie, Paris. 1906, p. 252 ff. fn12-09b
fn12-10. Pali - Literatur und Sprache, p. 5 fn12-10b
fn12-11. Concerning this problem there are numerous literatures. Cf. Chi Hsien-lin: "Die Verwendung des Aorists als Kriterium fur Alter und Ursprung buddhistischer Textes," Collected Publications of the Academy of Sciences of Gottingen, the Section of Languages and History, 1949, p. 288, Anm. 2. fn12-11b
From p.13
fn13-01. The Revised Taisho Edition of the Tripitaka, Vol. XXIV, p. 822 fn13-01b
fn13-02. The Revised Taisho Edition of the Tripitaka, Vol. XXII, p.955 fn13-02b
fn13-03. The Revised Taisho Edition of the Tripitaka,
Vol. XXII, p.174. Cf. the Mahisasaka-vinaya, Vol. VI
(The Revised Taisho
Edition of the Tripitaka, Vol. XXII. p. 39): "The Bhikkhus came to become monks
from different countries, and their intonation for the recitation of the
scriptures was incorrect. Some laymen sneered at them and said, 'How is it,
monks, that you are under the direct instruction of the Buddha and yet do not
know the masculine and feminine genders and the singular and plural numbers in
grammar?' Upon hearing this the monks felt ashamed and told it to the Buddha. On
account of this event the Buddha assembled the monks and asked them, 'Was it
really so?' They replied, 'It was really so, sir.' Then the Buddha reproached
the laymen from a distance, saying, 'You fools, why should you have sneered at
these foreign monks, saying that their pronunciation and grammar are incorrect
in the recitation of the scriptures?" fn13-03b
From p.14
fn14-01. The Revised Taisho Edition of the Tripitaka, Vol. XXIII, p. 274 fn14-01b
fn14-02. The Revised Taisho Edition of the Tripitaka, Vol. XXIV, p. 232 fn14-02b
Excerpt from Wikipedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Buddhaghosa 080824
Bhadantācariya Buddhaghosa was a 5th century[1] Indian Theravadin Buddhist commentator and scholar.[2] His name means "Voice of the Buddha" in the Pāli language. His best-known work is the Visuddhimagga, or Path of Purification, a comprehensive summary and analysis of the Theravada understanding of the Buddha's path to liberation. The interpretations provided by Buddhaghosa have generally constituted the orthodox understanding of Theravada scriptures since at least the twelfth century CE.[3] He is generally recognized by both Western scholars and Theravadins as the most important commentator of the Theravada.[4]
Go back Buddhaghosa-note-b
Excerpt from Wikipedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vedic_Brahmanism 080824
The religion of the Vedic period (also known as Vedism or Vedic Brahmanism or, in a context of Indian antiquity, simply Brahmanism[1]) is the historical predecessor of Hinduism. Its liturgy is reflected in the Mantra portion of the four Vedas, that are compiled in Sanskrit. The religious practices centered on a clergy administering rites that often involved sacrifices. This mode of worship is largely unchanged today within Hinduism; however, only a small fraction of conservative Shrautins continue the tradition of oral recitation of hymns learned solely through the oral tradition.
UKT: The Vedic Period (or Vedic Age) Scholars place the Vedic period in the second and first millennia BCE continuing up to the 6th century BCE based on literary evidence. -- Wikipedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vedic_period 080824
Texts dating to the Vedic period, composed in Vedic Sanskrit, are mainly the four Vedic Samhitas, but the Brahmanas, Aranyakas and some of the older Upanishads (Bṛhadāraṇyaka, Chāndogya, Jaiminiya Upanishad Brahmana) are also placed in this period. The Vedas record the liturgy connected with the rituals and sacrifices performed by the 16 or 17 shrauta priests and the purohitas. According to traditional views, the hymns of the Rigveda and other Vedic hymns were divinely revealed to the rishis, who were considered "hearers" (shruti means "what is heard"), rather than "authors". However, the Rigvedic hymns clearly speak about composing new hymns by individual authors who were in competition with their colleagues and looked for "payment" by local chieftains.
The mode of worship was worship of the elements like fire and rivers, worship of heroic gods like Indra (quite similar to the Greek religion), chanting of hymns and performance of sacrifices. The priests performed the solemn rituals for the noblemen (Kshsatriya) and some wealthy Vaishyas. People prayed for abundance of children, rain, cattle (wealth), long life and an afterlife in the heavenly world of the ancestors. This mode of worship has been preserved even today in Hinduism, which involves recitations from the Vedas by a purohita (priest), for prosperity, wealth and general well-being. However, the primacy of Vedic deities has been seconded to the deities of Puranic literature.
Elements of Vedic religion reach back into Proto-Indo-Iranian times. The Vedic period is held to have ended around 500 BC, Vedic religion gradually metamorphosizing into the various schools of Hinduism, which further evolved into Puranic Hinduism. Vedic religion also influenced Buddhism and Jainism.
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UKT: So far (080824) I am unable to trace who the author was. The spelling of the name given in the reprint from which this article is "Chi Hisen-lin". The name of an author (not necessarily that of this article) of a number of works on China given by the Internet search engine is "Chi, Hsien-Lin". It is probable that the TIL staff who digitized the article might have made an error in typing.
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UKT:
An English rendering by Ven. S. Dhammika, The Wheel Publication No.
386/387, ISBN 955-24-0104-6, Published in 1993,
BUDDHIST PUBLICATION SOCIETY, KANDY SRI LANKA, Copyright 1993 Ven. S. Dhammika, DharmaNet Edition 1994. http://www.cs.colostate.edu/~malaiya/ashoka.html
The Girnar
version mentioned in this article was issued in 257 B.C. These fourteen
edicts, with minor differences, are found in five different places throughout
India. In two other places, they are found minus numbers 11, 12 and 13. See
Edicts of Asoka from Wikipedia and Ven. S. Dhammika's
The
Edicts of King Asoka in TIL collections.
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UKT: Undoubtedly the Buddhism that was preached by the Buddha himself (originally Siddhartha Gautama. 563?-483? B.C. -- AHTD) and that of his contemporaries. The time-line would be about 600 BC. The question was in which language did the Buddha preached? What was his first language - presuming that he knew more than one? Since was born in an area bordering present-day Nepal and northern India, what was his ethnicity? That he belonged to the ruling class is beyond doubt, but what was his first language? Since the area was known as Magadha, the spoken language has been dubbed "Magadhi" which simply means the language of Magadha. Was it a Tibeto-Burman language or Indo-European (Indo-Aryan)? If Tibeto-Burman, the pronunciation would be similar to the major language of the group -- Burmese, in which the consonant akshara r6c5 is pronounced as thibilant, IPA [θ] (English <th> as in the word <thin>). If on the other hand if the language spoken by the Buddha was Indo-Aryan, the consonant would be a sibilant, [s].
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From: http://www.accesstoinsight.org/tipitaka/vin/cv/index.html 080824
The Cullavagga includes an elaboration of the bhikkhus' etiquette and duties, as well as the rules and procedures for addressing offences that may be committed within the Sangha. Also included is the story of the establishment of the bhikkhuni Sangha, plus detailed accounts of the First and Second Councils.
Excerpt from Vinaya Pitaka or the Basket of the Discipline, http://www.accesstoinsight.org/tipitaka/vin/index.html 080824
The Vinaya Pitaka, the first division of the Tipitaka, is the textual framework upon which the monastic community (Sangha) is built. It includes not only the rules governing the life of every Theravada bhikkhu (monk) and bhikkhuni (nun), but also a host of procedures and conventions of etiquette that support harmonious relations, both among the monastics themselves, and between the monastics and their lay supporters, upon whom they depend for all their material needs.
I. Suttavibhanga the basic rules of conduct (Patimokkha) for bhikkhus and bhikkhunis, along with the "origin story" for each one.
€ A. Mahavagga in addition to rules of conduct and etiquette for the Sangha, this section contains several important sutta-like texts, including an account of the period immediately following the Buddha's Awakening, his first sermons to the group of five monks, and stories of how some of his great disciples joined the Sangha and themselves attained Awakening.
€ B. Cullavagga an elaboration of the bhikkhus' etiquette and duties, as well as the rules and procedures for addressing offences that may be committed within the Sangha. III. Parivara A recapitulation of the previous sections, with summaries of the rules classified and re-classified in various ways for instructional purposes.
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UKT:
The statement of Chi Hisen-lin (JBRS, XLIII, i, June 1960): "the Magadha language was an eastern dialect, in which r had become as l, " is acceptable, except for the term "dialect". The term "dialect" is incomplete, because a "dialect" is a subset of a "language" , and the author has not explicitly stated what language he meant. However, if Magadi had been a distinct language -- a Tibeto-Burman language, and being in the east, far from the place in western India through which the Sanskrit speakers had filtered in, we could expect it to be relatively free from the rhotic nature of Indo-European languages. And we should expect to see /l/ in the place of /r/. I am basing my conclusions from my knowledge of Burmese, a typical Tibeto-Burman language.
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